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he xuefeng

a report by workers' daily on march 18, 2022 "many places have issued orders to clear out the construction industry. where do overage migrant workers go?" 》detonated the internet and quickly became a continuing hot topic. the reason why the order to remove overage migrant workers has attracted widespread attention is because of the huge contrast between migrant workers who have made huge contributions to china's modernization and now face the dilemma of having no support for their old age. generally speaking, over-age migrant workers have participated in the urban and rural residents' pension insurance ("new rural insurance") in their hometowns, and the vast majority of migrant workers only pay the lowest level of personal pension insurance. after paying for 15 years, they can get it when they are 60 years old. a monthly pension of more than 100 yuan. obviously, a monthly pension insurance of more than 100 yuan cannot provide for retirement. the overage migrant workers have no support, which has touched the sensitive nerves of society.

in fact, regardless of whether they are overage or not, migrant workers have a question about where to go. generally speaking, most migrant workers do not participate in the urban employee pension insurance, and therefore do not have pensions. they participate in the urban and rural residents’ pension insurance. even if they pay the maximum amount, the pension insurance they can get after the age of 60 is less than 1,000 yuan. this guarantee the level is not enough for migrant workers to receive decent retirement care in cities and towns. according to the "statistical bulletin on the development of human resources and social security in 2020", in 2020, about 128 million people enjoyed urban employee pension insurance pensions and received social security funds of 5.13 trillion yuan. in addition, about 160 million people enjoyed urban and rural residents' pensions. insurance pensions and social security funds received were 335.5 billion yuan. in other words, if the average level of pension insurance for urban and rural residents is raised to the level of employee pension insurance, the annual social security fund payment will exceed 10 trillion yuan, which will account for more than half of the national fiscal revenue. if half of the national fiscal revenue is used for elderly care, china will fall into the typical trap of "getting old before getting rich", which will greatly affect the realization of the great rejuvenation of the chinese nation.

therefore, the question of where over-age migrant workers will go is not fundamentally a question of "retirement orders", but how we should design china's urban and rural social security system to cope with the aging of china's population under the background of "getting old before getting rich" challenges.

1. the logic of the order to remove overage migrant workers

as of march 2022, many regions across the country have issued documents to further standardize the employment age management of construction companies. shanghai, tianjin, shenzhen, guangdong, taizhou, jiangsu, nanchang, jiangsu, jingzhou, hubei and other places have all made requirements. as early as 2019, the shanghai municipal housing and urban-rural development committee, the bureau of human resources and social security, and the municipal federation of trade unions jointly issued a document clearly prohibiting three categories of personnel under the age of 18, men over 60, and women over 50 from entering construction sites to engage in construction operations. it is understood that shanghai relies on two paths to strictly control construction site employment: the first is the real-name system, and all on-site workers must be entered into the real-name system to eliminate violations from the source; the second is the promotion of urban and municipal supervision agencies, which will be implemented nationwide in 2021. during the special rectification in 2016, 6 cases of overage employment were discovered, and all of them were corrected as soon as they were known.

the reason why various places have introduced age restriction regulations is because construction sites are areas prone to safety accidents involving excess migrant workers. cui yong, chief of the safety section of the shanghai construction engineering safety and quality center, said that among those who died in safety production accidents in the construction industry in 2018, 15% were over 60 years old. among construction workers at that time, 15% were over 60 years old. the proportion is only 1%. jingzhou in hubei and qinzhou in jiangsu also issued "excess limit orders" or "clearance orders" after migrant workers over 60 years old were injured and killed at construction sites.

from the perspective of migrant workers, as they grow older, their energy and physical strength will decrease, and their reactions will be slower. construction sites have become a place where safety accidents are prone to overage migrant workers. the "clearance order" standardizes industry management, which is beneficial to reducing safety accidents and ensuring the life safety of overage migrant workers.

the original intention of issuing "removal orders" across the country was for safety considerations to reduce the incidence of safety accidents, especially vicious safety accidents. in 2018, two major accidents occurred in the shanghai construction industry, resulting in the deaths of six people, three of whom were over 60 years old. when safety accidents occur, superiors must be held accountable. therefore, from the perspective of local government management, it is directly related to the interests of local governments to remove overage migrant workers and reduce the casualty accident rate at construction sites. local governments have a strong incentive to issue “clearance orders”.

only in terms of construction sites, the degree of work hazards is actually different, because overage brings a decrease in physical strength and reaction ability, and high-altitude work is especially prone to accidents. for precise governance, the focus of the “removal order” should be to restrict overage migrant workers from entering high-risk construction jobs. in fact, for the convenience of management, local governments often prohibit over-age migrant workers from engaging in any construction operations, or even prohibit over-age migrant workers from entering construction sites. it can be expected that local governments will further extend the "clearance order" from the construction industry to other areas with operational risks. as a result, over-age migrant workers have lost more and more possible employment opportunities.

from the perspective of construction companies, young people are currently reluctant to enter construction sites. construction site workers are mainly migrant workers born in the 1960s and 1970s. according to the "2020 migrant workers monitoring survey report", the total number of migrant workers nationwide is 285.6 million, of which 26.4% are migrant workers over 50 years old. the average age is 41.4 years old, and the average age of workers in the construction industry is far higher than the average. on the one hand, the "clearance order" has left some construction companies with no available workers, and the shortage of workers at construction sites may be even greater in the future. on the other hand, overage migrant workers are prone to accidents, and insurance companies are unwilling to insure overage migrant workers. if an accident occurs, the company must bear a relatively large responsibility. at the same time, under the background of "clearance orders" issued by local governments, industry supervision and penalties have continued to increase. once a safety accident occurs and there are overage migrant workers, local governments will impose heavy penalties on construction companies. therefore, formal construction companies will avoid recruiting overage migrant workers.

from the perspective of over-age migrant workers, they have often worked in this industry all their lives. suddenly they are restricted from entering construction sites, which is equivalent to losing their jobs. their interests will definitely be harmed. in order to obtain employment, many over-age migrant workers have to enter the informal construction market, or have to move from first-tier cities where the "clearance order" is strictly enforced to construction sites in third- and fourth-tier cities. as a result, the "clearance order" was nominally to protect the interests of overage migrant workers and reduce their possibility of accidents, but in fact it caused them to lose the opportunity to choose. overage migrant workers have become the direct victims of the "clearance order".

2. why do over-age migrant workers have to work?

the "retirement order" is aimed at over-age migrant workers, but the so-called "over-age" actually has no legal basis, that is, there is no law that stipulates that men over 60 years old and women over 50 years old can no longer work. "retirement orders" in many places are "based on the "labor law of the people's republic of china", the "interim measures of the state council on the retirement and resignation of workers" and other laws and regulations, combined with the construction work's high altitude, high risk, high risk, heavy physical strength, technical with the characteristics of highly demanding positions, we will now further standardize the requirements for employment age management of construction companies in our district."

in fact, there are no laws or regulations in any country that prohibit migrant workers above a certain age from working. "interim measures of the state council on the retirement and resignation of workers" (guofa [1978] 104), "article 1, workers in enterprises, public institutions, party and government agencies, and mass organizations owned by the whole people who meet one of the following conditions should retire : (1) male, over sixty years old, female over fifty, with ten consecutive years of service.” there are two meanings here: the first meaning is that after retirement or resignation, you can receive pension; the second meaning is that those who have reached the legal retirement age after reaching the age of 60 and then join the work belong to the labor relationship and are not subject to the "labor law". law adjustment.

the problem is, first, the "retirement order" prohibits overage migrant workers from engaging in the construction industry, but does not handle the retirement and resignation procedures for migrant workers and pay pensions. the targets of the "interim measures" do not include migrant workers at all. second, even if they are over 60 years old, over-age migrant workers can sign labor contracts with construction companies, just like retirees can sign labor contracts when they still have money to spare after retirement.

precisely because migrant workers do not have pensions, prohibiting overage migrant workers from entering the industry will substantially harm the interests of migrant workers.

so, why are over-age migrant workers still willing to work?

although personal physical strength and energy will decline as we age, there is no particularly significant "retirement" time point. without pensions, it is normal for many migrant workers to feel that they are still healthy and hope to use their still healthy bodies to do some useful work and earn more money.

generally speaking, there are probably three reasons why excess migrant workers want to work:

first, while you can still work, save more pension money for yourself. although working on the construction site is hard, i can earn 5,000 or even 10,000 yuan a month, which is more than what i earn in a year when i go home and farm the contracted land. because there is no pension, the pension insurance for rural residents is only about a hundred yuan a month. the pension security is obviously far from enough. it is necessary to make more money while still able to work to prepare for future emergencies.

second, i hope to earn more money for my children. most of the children of over-age migrant workers work in cities, and often buy houses in the city and have to repay mortgages. over-age migrant workers hope to do more work within their ability, earn more money, help their children, and reduce the pressure on their children to move to the city. of course, there are also cases where over-aged migrant workers have borrowed debts to raise families for their children and need to repay them.

whether they are saving pension money for themselves or making money for their children, over-age migrant workers hope to reduce the burden on their children. for a long time, in rural china, children have supported their parents, and it is the legal obligation of children to support their parents. there are two problems in children supporting their parents in the current period: first, farmers are moving to cities, young people from rural areas have gone to cities, and most over-age migrant workers have to return to rural areas for retirement. this has resulted in the separation of children and parents in family care. under such circumstances, it is far less convenient and less reliable for children to support their parents than in the past. second, young people move to cities and find it difficult to establish themselves in cities. in the past, young people moved to cities and brought their income from urban work back to the countryside. now, when young people buy a house in the city, they often need financial support from their parents. therefore, over-age migrant workers who are parents have a strong desire to continue working hard to earn money while they are still healthy. whether it is subsidizing children or saving pension money for oneself, it has substantially reduced the burden on children. a healthy migrant worker who does not work and just idles around all day will not only feel uncomfortable for himself, but also other people in the village will think that he is a lazy man. especially when family conditions are not very good, having nothing to do is a mental torture for overage migrant workers.

third, over-age migrant workers also have reasons to prove their worth. no one will accept old age, not to mention that 60 is not old. being able to make money proves that you are still valuable. not being able to work is equivalent to "waiting to die", and the meaning of life is reduced. therefore, psychologically speaking, migrant workers are unwilling to withdraw from the mainstream labor group of society. if you can work and earn money, you will be mentally strong, mentally confident, and confident in life.

therefore, migrant workers hope to delay their withdrawal from the labor force, delay their return to the countryside, and delay their entry into the retirement stage. although different migrant workers have different ideas, this should be their own choice. whether to give over-age migrant workers the right to choose, and how much choice to give migrant workers, will affect the welfare level of over-age migrant workers.

3. who will support overage migrant workers?

no matter sooner or later, migrant workers will eventually exit the labor stage and enter the retirement stage. who will provide for the elderly becomes a question.

let us first discuss the process of migrant workers withdrawing from productive labor.

before reaching the "overage" age of 60, generally speaking, migrant workers can still find work opportunities in cities, but because of their age, it is becoming increasingly difficult to find opportunities. factory production lines generally only require young people, and delivery boys generally do not recruit "old men". as they get older, they are more concentrated in heavy and heavy work. construction sites are the main gathering place for older migrant workers. now that various places say no to over-age migrant workers, more and more older migrant workers are returning to their hometowns. however, there are still many older migrant workers who have moved to construction sites in small and medium-sized cities, or to cleaning and janitor jobs where the income is relatively low and the work is relatively easy and safe.

elderly migrant workers who return to the countryside will definitely not be idle. instead, they will produce in the countryside. the most important thing is to manage their own contracted land and often work locally. rural income and agricultural income are significantly lower than those in cities. however, rural labor is relatively free, and under mechanized conditions, agricultural labor is relatively easy. although the income is not high, the cost of living in rural areas is also very low. therefore, as long as they are healthy and able to work, returning migrant workers can support themselves through agricultural production and local work, and they do not need children to support themselves in old age.

as the age further increases, agricultural production gradually becomes incapacitated. if you can still take care of yourself, although you have no labor income, you still have savings, and your children can also contribute money to support them, and your life is okay. the real problem is that once they are no longer able to take care of themselves and their children live in the city, who will take care of the elderly becomes a problem.

now the city has issued a "retirement order" that limits the upper age limit for migrant workers to enter construction sites to 60 years old, which is the age at which national employees retire and retire. the question now is, what should we do with the retired migrant workers?

at present, the vast majority of migrant workers have not joined the employee pension insurance, but the relatively low-level urban and rural residents’ pension insurance. the new rural basic pension insurance is only about 100 yuan per month, which is obviously unable to provide pension security for rural elderly.

as mentioned above, rural areas currently mainly rely on family support, including self-support and child support. although there are currently problems in rural pensions for elderly people who cannot take care of themselves, generally speaking, the problem of rural pensions is not a big one, or the problem of overage migrant workers is not a big one. the reason is that the current system provides farmers and their families with an interconnected space of independent choice. migrant workers should extend their working time in the city as long as they can, not only to save themselves pension money, but also to provide as much help as they can for their children to move to the city; when they can no longer work in the city, they can choose to return to their rural hometowns to work in agriculture. the income is enough to support their life in the countryside; when they are older and no longer able to produce, as long as they can take care of themselves and live in their own homes in the countryside, the cost of living is very low and they can live a comfortable life; only when they lose the ability to take care of themselves, their children will have to spend more money. by spending more time taking care of their parents, the elderly’s own retirement savings also come in handy.

sometimes, under certain circumstances, children's care for their parents who have lost the ability to take care of themselves is not timely and meticulous enough, and elderly parents are unwilling to drag their children down for a long time, resulting in a tragedy of elderly care. the problem now is that because of urbanization and the separation of rural families, family support for the elderly based on child support is indeed more difficult than in the past.

such a kind of old-age care is based on the premise that farmers will continue to work as long as they can work, and it is also based on the opening of various systems to farmers. for example, urban employment opportunities are open to migrant workers, and rural land is still open to farmers (migrant workers return to their hometowns). later, they can return to the contracted land to plant their own crops), and farmers still have their own homes in the countryside, etc. although this kind of elderly care is not perfect, it is still good. therefore, some farmers said that after returning to the countryside from working in the city, agricultural production is very easy, the rural environment is close to nature, there is a large amount of free time, there is a society of acquaintances, the parents have passed away, the children have married, there are no family burdens, and the health is they are also very healthy, and there is no problem in supporting themselves solely by agriculture. therefore, they have entered the "second spring of life." they finally have time to appreciate and enjoy their own lives.

the second idea, which is different from the above pension ideas, is also the current mainstream design idea, which is to allow migrant workers to obtain urban employee pension insurance and receive employee standard pensions. since the "clearance order" limits the age of migrant workers to quit the industry to 60 years old, it has become an inevitable choice for migrant workers to stop working and use their pensions to support their old age when they are 60 years old.

in fact, in the current period, according to the labor contract law, the state compulsorily requires migrant workers to join the social security system. their social security fund is also composed of three parts. one is the part paid by the migrant workers themselves, the second is the part borne by the enterprise, and the third is the part borne by the state. the three parts are accumulated as a social security fund until the migrant workers reach the age of 60. redisbursed for retirement. the first two parts of the social security fund for migrant workers are actually equivalent to saving the current income of migrant workers and waiting for payment when they retire. the current payment ratio is 8% for individual migrant workers and 20% for enterprises. in fact, migrant workers have a strong tendency to obtain current income. as of the end of june 2020, 63.75 million migrant workers nationwide had participated in urban employee pension insurance, accounting for 22.3% of the total number of migrant workers that year (285.6 million people). there is also the question of whether the country can afford it. simply put, there is no gratuitous wealth. the future pension income of migrant workers comes from the current savings of migrant workers, enterprises and the country. the higher your future income, the more you will need to save now. as mentioned above, if the state were to provide urban and rural residents' pensions to farmers and migrant workers based on the level of pension security for urban employees, the national finance would have to spend more than 7 trillion yuan more every year, which is equivalent to more than 1/3 of the national finance every year. this is obviously impossible.

according to the second idea to solve the problem of pension for migrant workers and farmers, the concept of retirement can of course be included. in theory, farmers can also withdraw from their contracted land management rights (because of retirement). and if china is still unable to establish a complete social security system that benefits all at the current stage of development, the pension insurance for urban and rural residents still cannot be integrated with the pension insurance for urban employees, and the vast majority of farmers and migrant workers have not participated in the pension insurance for urban employees. , almost the only leading way to deal with rural elderly care is the aforementioned first type of elderly care based on returning to one's hometown. this kind of old-age care based on returning to the hometown mainly relies on farm families and agricultural and rural areas. it is not necessarily low-level, let alone unacceptable, but it has its own unique advantages. at the same time, this kind of pension plan must have a premise, which is to open up various urban and rural employment profit opportunities to farmers as much as possible, so that farmers can make rational choices based on their own actual conditions. the right of choice should be left to the farmers, instead of saying, migrant workers, you are overage and the work is too hard, so you are not allowed to stay in the city to work, or the farmers are older, and the agricultural efficiency of the elderly is low, so the elderly farmers are not allowed to farm anymore. . this practice of restricting farmers on the pretext of protecting them is unreasonable and unfair. farmers should choose whether to work or farm, as they are responsible for their own retirement.

4. what will happen to the second generation of farmers in the future?

at present, farmers are in the process of unprecedented rapid migration to cities. the movement of farmers to cities is not only reflected in farmers moving to cities to work and do business, but also in the form of farmers buying houses in cities. of course, farmers mainly buy houses in their hometowns and counties. on the one hand, there are many acquaintances in their hometowns and counties, and it is convenient for their children to go to school. on the other hand, housing prices in their hometowns and counties are relatively low, and farmers can still afford it with the help of their whole family (at least they can afford the down payment). .

however, in the central and western regions, farmers can afford to buy houses in counties, but they may not necessarily be able to live there. the reason is that counties in central and western regions generally lack higher-income employment opportunities. on the other hand, because farmers' families buy houses in the county, their children can go to school in the county, and household expenditures in the county are much higher than in rural areas. farmers who buy houses in the county need to have a higher level of income, so they need to go to the county. when working in coastal areas and large and medium-sized cities with relatively high incomes, elderly parents need more income from the land and less living expenses. as a result, farmers who buy houses in county towns seem to have moved to the city, but they often " "one family, three systems" means that young people go to the coast to work, migrant workers who have quit the industry over age return to their hometowns to farm, and children go to school in the county with their mothers or grandmothers to get a higher level of education.

judging from the current situation, unless they go to the city to help their children and grandchildren, the overage first-generation migrant workers will rarely stay in the city. instead, they will return to the countryside to integrate with the land and start the "second spring" of their lives. the children of the first-generation migrant workers (i.e., the second-generation migrant workers) may have bought a house in the county. unless they want to help their children and grandchildren, few first-generation migrant workers stay in the county to live with their children, and most of them return to their hometowns. among them, there are roughly two reasons: first, the children have never been able to live in the county; second, living with the children is far less comfortable and free than living at home in the countryside. because of the first point, overage migrant workers live in rural areas and are integrated with the land. their living expenses are small and they can also earn income from agriculture, which can reduce the burden on their children who are struggling to live in the city. because of the second point, when you get older, you don’t have the freedom to live with your children. i dare not speak, and my actions are restricted. if you have no income, it depends on your children. such a day is unbearable even for a minute. living in your own home in the countryside, you are free to do whatever you want. returning to my hometown, living in my own house, owning land, and acquaintances with relatives, friends, and neighbors, i have a sense of belonging and a sense of security in a society of acquaintances, which is far beyond what can be compared to the alienation of cities. therefore, some elderly people in rural areas said, "living in the homes of my children in the city is like being in prison, and returning home in the countryside is like letting a bird fly."

nowadays, cities are clearing out overage migrant workers, and the first generation of migrant workers are returning to the countryside one after another. the main urban migrant workers, including those on construction sites, are the second generation of migrant workers. the second generation of migrant workers are still in their prime, around 40 years old. however, the second generation of migrant workers soon reached the age of being dismissed. the most important thing is that most second-generation migrant workers still do not participate in urban employee pension insurance. when they reach the age of expulsion, where else can they retire?

there is no doubt that second-generation migrant workers have far more choices than first-generation migrant workers. more of the second-generation migrant workers have participated in the urban employee pension insurance. many have bought houses in the county. many of them have skills. in addition, the country will have stronger financial capabilities in the future, and the more counties and counties have higher income employment opportunities, thereby providing rural rural families with more possibilities for a decent life in the city.

however, at least a considerable part of the second-generation migrant workers still want to return to the countryside. one of the reasons is that they do not want to live with their adult children in the city. on the contrary, when they reach a certain age, there are no employment opportunities in the city, and they and the first generation of migrant workers also have to return to live in rural areas. the cost of living is low, they can integrate with the land and acquaintances in society, and they can return to their roots. this is a more attractive life than the city. with the same level of retirement income, one can live comfortably in rural areas, but it may not be enough in cities.

in other words, as long as the channels for the second generation of migrant workers to return to their hometowns are preserved, the second generation of migrant workers do not have to have high-level pensions, and they can make choices based on their specific circumstances. as a result, the country does not have huge pressure on social security, and china has a way to deal with the difficulty of getting old before getting rich.

judging from the current situation, whether it is for over-age migrant workers or second-generation migrant workers, it is difficult to idealize their employment, move to cities, and provide for their elderly care, and it is difficult to adopt simplistic methods. it is necessary to create more opportunities for migrant workers in cities and make cities more friendly to migrant workers, so that farmers can make their own decisions about whether to continue to stay in the city and for how long based on their own conditions and resources. it is up to the migrant workers themselves to decide whether finally, he returned to the countryside to retire. since it is currently impossible for the country to provide all migrant workers with a guarantee of decent retirement in the city, china's current system must retain migrant workers' choice space, must be a system that is friendly and well-intentioned to farmers, and must be flexible. the system should not be adopted simply for the convenience of management, to shirk responsibility, to prevent accidents, and under the guise of protecting the lives and safety of migrant workers, adopting a system that is unfriendly to migrant workers and denying migrant workers the most important job opportunities in the city. outside the profit market. in this sense, the current one-size-fits-all “clearance orders” in some places are problematic.

in addition to cities, farmers also have choices in rural areas. the core of the rural system that is friendly to migrant workers is to allow farmers to move into cities and at the same time allow farmers to return to their hometowns. allowing farmers to return to their hometowns means that capital must be restricted from going to the countryside, because capital going to the countryside may squeeze out limited rural opportunities and resources that should belong to farmers. when farmers move to the city, they hand over profit opportunities in the countryside. such profit opportunities should be obtained by the left-behind farmers who lack the opportunity to go to the city. we must not use the excuse of modernizing agriculture, improving agricultural productivity, and supporting capital through national policies to defeat small farmers. smallholder and elder farming is vital to farming families. if farmers fail to enter the city, they can return to the countryside. such a system that allows farmers to move into cities and restricts urban and rural capital from going to the countryside, so as to preserve the escape route for farmers who fail to move to the city, can be called a "protective urban-rural dual system". it is this system with chinese characteristics that provides a way for vulnerable groups to farmers, especially the disadvantaged groups among farmers, are provided with a choice. because farmers have a guaranteed retreat from the countryside, they dare to work hard in the city. the city is a place to start a business, a place to take risks, and a hope for a good life; the countryside is a place of security, a place of bottom line, and a place of retirement.

5. conclusion

there is no system divorced from specific context. china is currently at a critical stage of leapfrogging middle-income and moving towards modernization. at this critical stage, china has entered an aging society. the combination of these keywords, middle-income stage, urbanization, and aging society, forms the specific context for our discussion of over-age migrant workers.

at the current stage, the reality of getting old before getting rich can easily lead to insufficient social vitality, thus affecting the smooth realization of modernization. china's unique institutional advantage is that the protected urban-rural dual structure provides farmers with flexible space to freely return to their hometowns between urban and rural areas, allowing china to devote more resources to the development of production and innovation in technology. in a sense, it is precisely with the help of rural and agricultural guarantees and guarantees that china not only has a stabilizer in the modernization process, but also has a reservoir to prevent welfare traps.

in the future, taking advantage of the protective urban-rural dual structure, china will focus its main resources on scientific and technological progress and industrial upgrading, thereby promoting china to achieve a high degree of modernization and realize the great rejuvenation of the chinese nation. once china achieves a high degree of modernization, it will inevitably achieve rural revitalization. farmers will not only have the security of land, but also have a pension security with a higher standard of income.

high modernization certainly cannot come immediately, nor can it be achieved easily. there are two possibilities for china's modernization in the future. one is to successfully achieve high-level modernization and step out of the middle-income stage. at this time, china will enter the stage of integrating urban and rural areas. migrant workers generally enjoy urban employee pension insurance. as a special title for special periods, "migrant workers" "no need to reserve either. china faces the future. the second possibility is that there are twists and turns in the realization of china's high-level modernization and the process will be longer, so rural areas can provide strong support for china's modernization. with the help of the protective urban-rural dual structure, rural areas provide a guarantee and guarantee for farmers as a vulnerable group, especially the vulnerable groups among farmers, so that the country can still focus its resources on scientific and technological progress even if it gets old before it gets rich. focus on breaking through the containment of china by international vested interest groups and ultimately achieving a strategic breakthrough in china's modernization.

in the current period, urban and rural institutional arrangements should give more consideration to the interests of farmers and allow them to have more choices, rather than setting restrictions on farmers everywhere. this is not just moral, and far from technical, but strategic. systems and policies that are friendly to farmers will inevitably contribute to the realization of china's modernization and serve the great rejuvenation of the chinese nation.

written on may 8, 2022