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Against the backdrop of the growing financial crisis of British universities and the increasingly tense geopolitical conflict between China and the United States, Asian international students, especially Chinese students, are playing an increasingly important role in the British higher education system. The latest data shows that international students contributed £41.9 billion to the British economy in the 2021/22 academic year; on average, each parliamentary constituency in the UK received an additional £58 million from international students, equivalent to about £560 per citizen. (Universities UK, 2023).

Students and parents consult at the UK Study Abroad booth

Of the 679,970 international students studying in UK higher education institutions, the largest group is Chinese, accounting for one-fifth of the total (151,690), followed by 126,535 students from India and 32,945 students from Nigeria (Universities UK, 2024). In terms of economic benefits, according to the latest estimates, Chinese students pay about three-quarters of the tuition fees for taught postgraduates at some of the UK's top universities; calculations by consultancy dataHE show that Russell Group institutions will earn about £8.8 billion in tuition fees in the 2021/22 academic year, of which £2.3 billion (26%) will come from Chinese students (Times Higher Education, 2024). However, the latest round of the International Student Barometer (ISB) survey, covering 24 countries, 155 institutions and 120,000 international students, shows that Chinese students are the student group with the highest rate of reporting discrimination in UK higher education institutions. In 2024, 41% of Chinese students reported being discriminated against based on a combination of race or ethnicity and nationality (up from 35% and 37% in 2022). This is twice as much as Indian students (20%) and much higher than Nigerian students (18%) and Pakistani students (23%) (Etio, 2024; Times Higher Education, 2024). This result seems surprising. After World War II, Western universities gradually presented themselves as ivory towers that transcend racial boundaries, advocating equal opportunity and meritocracy, giving people the illusion that racial discrimination is a thing of the past (Tate & Bagguley, 2017). But the reality is far more complicated than this.

After assessing the various risks, Chinese students and their parents tend to consider the UK as a study abroad destination with many established elite universities and a relatively mild and safe social and cultural environment. Racial discrimination suffered by Chinese students in the UK is rarely reported in the newspapers. However, Professor Johanna Waters of University College London pointed out: "International students are still not paid attention to in general, and only attract public attention when they are involved in discussions about immigration policies or suffer racism and physical violence. Perhaps, in the post-epidemic era, people will be more aware of the importance of international students - and how some countries take them for granted and ignore them. We need to think about how to respond ethically to the lived experiences of international students - rather than treating them as cold cash cows."

Waters's comments deeply reveal the dilemma of international students in Western universities where academic capitalism prevails: their status as "monetized objects" is taken for granted; while their life experiences as "racialized subjects" and corresponding humanitarian concerns have long been ignored. At the same time, East Asians, including Chinese students, are often hidden under the label of "model minority", which seems to be a positive evaluation, including the expectation that Asian groups will become role models for other ethnic groups in academic, economic and social achievements, but in fact it covers up deep-seated discrimination and prejudice. People often associate East Asian, especially Chinese, international students with the image of "hardworking and diligent", and even jokingly believe that they have "racial talents" in subjects such as mathematics. In the meritocratic narrative of higher education, personal success depends entirely on their efforts and talents, and education is seen as a fair stage that provides equal opportunities. However, this concept often ignores the existence and impact of racial inequality in practice. The label of "model minority" is not only used as a comparison tool with other ethnic groups, implying that there is no racial prejudice and unfair educational opportunities for the Asian community, but also brings tremendous academic pressure to Asian students. They often feel the expectations from schools, families and even the whole society, as if only academic excellence can prove their worth. Under this narrative, any academic setbacks or difficulties are simply attributed to insufficient personal efforts rather than the result of racism or institutional inequality. This phenomenon not only marginalizes the issue of racial discrimination, but also when Chinese students encounter microaggressions or blatant racism, they often choose to endure it silently or blame themselves. Based on interviews covering 54 students from 13 British universities, this article attempts to reveal the real experience and inner stories of Chinese students in the UK about racism. The interview data for this article are from two related research projects. Project 1 started data collection in December 2019 and was completed in April 2020; Project 2 started data collection in March 2021 and was completed in June 2021. All names in the article are pseudonyms.

Intersectionality and invisibility

In interviews with Chinese international students, the most common phrase heard was: “This is not racism.” Although some students may have experienced racial microaggressions, many do not immediately attribute these experiences to racism. Our research shows that one of the reasons for this phenomenon is the lack of “anti-Asian racism” discourse in British society, making it difficult for Chinese students to identify and express the racial discrimination they have experienced.

First, the lack of context for “anti-Asian racism” in the UK may have affected the “racial consciousness” of Chinese international students. “Racial consciousness” refers to a critical understanding of unequal power relations between racial groups and awareness of race-related privileges and prejudices (Cane & Tedam, 2022). Many Chinese students lack experience living in a multiracial environment and tend to be less likely to attribute their experiences to racial discrimination. For example, Fang (male, undergraduate, computer science) was hesitant when asked if he had ever experienced racism: “I don’t know how to define racism… I’m not sure if they are being racist.” Although he recalled being cursed with the word “Chinese,” he still believed: “You can’t be sure what he is thinking. So I can only say that this kind of thing did happen to me; but I don’t think it is racist.” This lack of clear racist language weakens their ability to identify and challenge racial discrimination (Paul, 2014). Awareness and recognition often requires a long learning process. Student Wang explained, "I feel like this is actually the case. Ordinary Chinese people or newly arrived international students don't understand that others are discriminating against you, but after being here for a long time, I know that others are discriminating against me. That's what it means."

Second, the intersection of race with other power axes such as gender and class complicates the impact of racism. Some respondents tended to attribute certain microaggressions to many other factors, and race was not the first choice. For example, Meng (female, PhD, psychological counseling) was verbally and physically attacked by a drunk man on the streets of Edinburgh, but she attributed these experiences to gender rather than race: "Not necessarily. I think it's because I'm a short Chinese woman." This phenomenon may reflect the influence of intersectionality (Crenshaw, 1991), that is, racial microaggressions are not only shaped by a single factor of race, but also by other axes of difference such as gender and class (Collins & Bilge, 2018). This intersectionality may mask the higher risk of racism and make it more difficult for students to identify and respond to these risks.

In addition, cultural differences are often used by students to explain their experiences. For example, Liu (female, undergraduate, mechanical engineering and nuclear engineering) believed that the discrimination she encountered was just student bullying because the other party "never said the C [Chinese] word" or mentioned her Chinese background. Some research suggests that this may be a new racism, manifested in a more prominent "subtle" and "indirect" nature (Balibar, 1991), achieving "racism without racism" (Goldberg, 2008). Explanations of cultural differences also often cover up the racialized attribution of microaggressions. For example, when students posted decorative paper cuttings on their windows to celebrate the Chinese New Year, someone threw stones at their windows. In daily life, some students believe that the discrimination they encounter is because the British believe that Chinese culture is "backward" compared to British culture, and tend to use "cultural differences" to explain this phenomenon. Zhu (female, postgraduate, TESOL) said: "They [the British] think we are still living in a feudal society." Mo (female, PhD, finance) added: "They think we have no spiritual and cultural life, and our education is far behind." Xie (female, PhD, textile design, fashion and management) said: "But I think the locals are indeed like that. They have the kind of pride of the empire on which the sun never sets. I think they are quite proud, the kind that they carry in their bones. Our country is a country with a very long history. We are very strong in Europe. We used to be very strong, right? They think that other countries may be a little bit more rustic, so they have such ideas." Regarding those who discriminate against Chinese culture, Xie feels that "they are now just like China in the Qing Dynasty. We are very strong and we don't need to learn from others. You Chinese are just different..." He expressed his helplessness because these ideas mostly come from unfair and subjective reports on social media, and he believes that someone who has not been to China has no right to judge.

This situation may reveal the hidden nature of the new racism, which is closely related to the concepts of cultural and ethnic differences, which are not only discriminatory and exclusive, but also maintain unequal power relations, leading to the "othering" of ethnic minorities (Balibar, 1991). In particular, anti-Asian/anti-Chinese racism in Western society has a long history and is closely linked to Orientalism (Said, 1978) and the "Yellow Peril" discourse (Lyman, 2000). Orientalism, from a Eurocentric perspective, portrays the "East" or "East Asia", including China, as the "other" of the West, full of stereotypes of "exoticism", "eroticism", "backwardness", "irrationality" and "incomprehensibility" (Said, 1978). The "Yellow Peril" discourse image portrays the entire region and its people as a terrible enemy of Western civilization - "a fire-breathing dragon" (Lyman, 2000). These discourses not only fueled historical colonialism, but also provided so-called legitimacy for modern racist behavior (Miyake, 2021; Pang, 2021). Unlike classical racism, new racism places more emphasis on differences in culture, religion, and lifestyle, thereby finding an excuse to rationalize anti-Asian/anti-Chinese racism in British society.

Miyake (2021) pointed out that modern anti-Asian/anti-Chinese racism is a manifestation of neo-Orientalism. Unlike classical Orientalism, which used scientific-racial language, it adopted the language of judicial-political and economics, which is more covert and further fuels Sinophobia in the current global context (Lee, 2020). This modern neo-Orientalism also involves bio-cultural racialization, that is, the attribution and solidification of racial meaning through biological characteristics (such as eye size) and/or cultural customs (such as eating habits), which may lead to the othering of East Asian groups, including the Chinese community (Garner, 2017; Murji & Solomos, 2005). In the field of higher education, this new racism often manifests itself in stereotypes and exclusionary attitudes towards Chinese international students. Wang gave an example. One day he accompanied his junior sister to the school to purchase experimental equipment and needed a student card. The employee smiled when he saw the student card. He recalled: "Your eyes...I can't see your eyes open". But his junior sister had no idea that she was being discriminated against. This happened more than once. "For example, I want a small glass bottle and some syringes. He held up the syringe and said, "Is that your weapon?" Of course, ordinary people should not be able to see it, but I can hear it. What kind of mentality does he have? He thinks that the equipment you need for the experiment is actually the same as a child's house." The racialized microaggressions experienced by Chinese students often reflect the interweaving of new Orientalism and new racism (Miyake, 2021; Said, 1978). Wang decided not to let things go. When he came back that day, he wrote an email to complain about the discrimination against Asians by school employees. Later, the employee "disappeared" for a few days; when he came back, he no longer spoke in a "shady" tone. Wang believes that this is not making a fuss, but a very important thing to oppose racial discrimination: "Even if you are not good at English, right? You can make some physical resistance movements, which are all fine. But many people do nothing and endure silently, which leads to people getting worse. Therefore, the image and credibility of Chinese people in the international community still need our new generation to work hard to establish and strengthen, and we must also resist it, and we cannot let things go."

Common means reasonable?

Our research shows that many Chinese students may have experienced "microaggressions." However, there are different views on how to understand these "microaggressions."

The first common view is individualized attribution. For example, Ke (male, graduate student, accounting major) said that he has become accustomed to certain "microaggressions" but is not sure whether it is an individual difference or a racial discrimination issue. He explained:

I think discrimination is a problem that exists all over the world. It knows no borders. Just like some people in our country still call Indians "Asan", right? This is a problem that exists all over the world. It is not limited to one country. I think for me, if it happens, I think it is understandable, right? ... It really depends on the individual. I think the quality and educational background will have a great impact on him. This is a very personal thing. I don't think I will elevate it to a racial issue.

Ke's idea was echoed by several other interviewees. Tao (female, undergraduate, mathematics and finance) believed that "it's just a social phenomenon. If it happens to you, it's your bad luck"; therefore, "don't take it too seriously". This reflects a common idea that Chinese international students tend not to attribute racism, but may regard it as individual differences - unfortunate "bad apples", "despised as inherently 'bad', not knowing what is good for them" (Valluvan, 2016, p.2241), rather than seeing it as a systemic problem. Some students tried to understand the other party, and common expressions included: "They don't mean any harm"; "He was just joking"; "Don't take it too seriously". But at the same time, these daily experiences may also reflect the frequent and hidden characteristics of everyday racism, so that it is regarded as normal and even denied (Essed, 1991, 2002). Everyday racism links individual micro-behaviors with institutional macro-structures, and through unconscious power exercise, it achieves the systematic reproduction of hegemonic power structures.

On the one hand, some people may ignore structural phenomena and tend to attribute them to individuals. On the other hand, Chinese students have also developed coping strategies at the individual level. For example, Wang (male, PhD, polymer science and engineering) shared his experience of microaggressions of verbal and physical abuse:

After that, I argued with them for a few words, and they started pushing and shoving. I was very angry. They probably didn't expect me to make a scene, because there were a lot of people around. I shouted "You fucking racist". Everyone looked over, and I made a big scene. ... They pushed me, but I didn't fight back. I didn't fight back because someone nearby was filming with his phone. But what made me uncomfortable was that there were a lot of Chinese students or Asian faces nearby that day. Many of them were watching and filming with their phones. I was so angry. When something like this happened, it was like my compatriots were bullied, but no one dared to stand up and say something or mediate. Not only our Chinese compatriots, but also some other British people stood there indifferently, watching and filming. The only person who spoke up for me during the whole incident was actually a homeless man sitting at the door. He helped to say a few words, saying that what you did was wrong.

Wang’s experience shows that there are also some Chinese students who are actively resisting; however, this resistance is usually limited to individual actions, and it is difficult to challenge deep-rooted racism due to the silence of the majority and the lack of group solidarity. But he also reiterated that he understands this because he feels that those who are “new” to the UK may lack awareness and understanding of anti-Asian racism. This is also observed by Wong et al. (2021, p.365), who believe that in British universities, students usually react negatively to incidents of racial discrimination encountered by their compatriots. However, the “bystander” stance is not due to a lack of responsibility or obligation, but rather to limited knowledge of the problem, which makes them feel unqualified to intervene in racialized conflicts.

In addition to individualized attribution, another common behavior is closely related to "internalized Orientalism" (Moosavi, 2020, p. 286). In this context, some students even put the blame on themselves. For example, a classmate (female, graduate student, international education) believes that "backwardness will lead to beatings"; if the "weaker party" in international relations is discriminated against, it is "normal". Therefore, she believes: "It is better to put expectations on ourselves, not on others. If one day we become a stronger country, they will give us the respect we deserve." This shows how racial minorities like Chinese students in the UK understand their experiences and cope with them by reproducing the same neo-Orientalist stereotypes and the binary opposition between us and them. They may re-place themselves in the context of weakness and backwardness relative to the West through the metaphor of Eurocentrism. In this context, Moosavi (2020) pointed out that East Asian students often tend to accept and support Orientalist stereotypes, which reflects the inferiority complex generated by adopting this dominant discourse that reproduces neo-racism at a deeper level. However, there is also an alternative understanding that Chinese students’ tendency to justify and rationalize the racialized microaggressions they experience by giving offenders the benefit of the doubt or internalizing racism and Orientalism is an active strategy for them to assert minority agency by transcending “victim” status and strategically attempting to control their life experiences.

Nevertheless, in a few cases, we also observed that this kind of support from peers and universities can also re-cultivate a kind of racial awareness in British society. Student Xu (female, postgraduate, international business and commercial law) said that she benefited from the enthusiastic help of her roommate in this regard. She has two roommates, one is British and the other is American. "My American roommate is black himself, so he understands this kind of thing better"; the British roommate "may be British, so he knows more about what the school can arrange here, so he asked if there is any contact with the school or something like that." With the help of the two roommates, the school arranged for a week to chat with several student representatives, and detailed the channels for communication and resolution if such incidents occur in the future. Therefore, student Xu believes that we should consciously communicate more with each other, "Just like I couldn't be sure whether I had encountered racial discrimination before, but through his experience, I confirmed that I must have been discriminated against that time. If more people communicate together, some things may be confirmed. I think it's good to know that I may not pay attention to things for some reasons."

Be silent, or be silenced?

Guo is a doctoral student majoring in mechanical engineering. One day, he was sleeping in the house when he heard someone knocking on the door. He said, "I didn't wipe my glasses clean, and I hadn't put on my clothes yet. I went over and saw a person, but I couldn't see what he looked like. He told me that he lived upstairs from me, and his wife was waiting for me on the balcony over there. He told me that something had fallen there and asked me to pick it up for him." At first, Guo was alert and didn't open the door for safety reasons, and repeatedly asked the other party about his motives and identity. After several communications, he went to the balcony to check, "Why didn't I see it in front of me? It was a transparent plastic stick, and it was very thin. It might be used as a stirring tool for cooking." Only then did he realize that there was a misunderstanding and felt guilty about it. "I thought it was a knock on the door early in the morning. What was he trying to do? Would it be like the hate crime they said in the news before, or fraud or this kind of criminal behavior? In fact, it was just neighbors helping each other, saying that I dropped something and asked them to pick it up for me." Guo felt a little annoyed afterwards:

I was wrong. But because of the social atmosphere that was exaggerated before, it brought me this kind of influence, making me feel that there is such a crisis. I have a more repulsive mentality towards normal neighborhood interactions, which led to such a misunderstanding. Originally, the other party just wanted to ask us for a favor and pick up something, but we thought that the other party had some dispute with us. I handed the plastic stick to the Indian old man from the door, and he said thank you. Then he asked me why I was so rude, saying that I didn’t do anything to you. I said it’s okay, just go back and have a good day. The matter was over, and he went up.

Guo's experience reflects that Chinese students may adopt an overly defensive mentality in their overseas life due to concerns about racial discrimination. Although this mentality is out of self-protection, it may inadvertently exacerbate the gap with the local group. Guo missed the opportunity to build connections with his neighbors and local groups due to his over-defense against his neighbors, which may deepen his sense of isolation in the long run. In addition, the self-blaming attitude may inadvertently reinforce some negative cultural stereotypes. Seemingly silent and avoidant strategies may help reduce microaggressions in the short term. However, such strategies may strengthen racialization and intensify racism against Asians, especially Chinese, in the long run. In addition, avoidance strategies may also contribute to the persistent cultural stereotype of students as "quiet" and "submissive" in Chinese culture, further promoting the reproduction of the "model minority" discourse (Yeh, 2014).

More importantly, this "micro-aggression" that may involve racism may not be resolved at the individual level, and Chinese students may be structurally ignored and marginalized in the British higher education system. This "invisibility" phenomenon is not only reflected in their daily life and academic experience, but also in various institutional levels.

Lin is a Chinese international student studying for an undergraduate degree in the UK. In an interview, she talked about her feelings of invisibility at a certain university: "I feel 'invisible' in every aspect." She described her experience with the example of a prestigious award at the university. To win the award, undergraduates need to complete a "challenge" every academic year. In the second year, the challenge was the "Social Justice Challenge," which included a sub-theme on racism. However, Lin found that all the case studies were about anti-black racism, and no one mentioned anti-Asian racism. She also mentioned the university's official Instagram page, questioning its representation of "diversity": "I see a lot of European students, international students, but I don't see yellow-skinned Asian students. I see representatives of different skin colors, but not the real us. Yes, I think someone should expose the institutional racism of the university."

Another international student, Ruan, had similar feelings. She mentioned in the interview that her university launches a series of activities during Black History Month every year to increase people's understanding and awareness of anti-black racism. However, she found that in these efforts, East Asians and anti-Asian racism are still ignored. Ruan said:

I had to learn about what happened to my classmates from the news; to be honest, I didn’t even know how many Asian students there were in my university, except for those in the same program and those I met on campus. This neglect of Asian students has made their presence on campus extremely low, further exacerbating their sense of isolation. Student Gu said, “The groups that are discussed more academically, such as in educational research discussions, are still more biased towards black people. We still belong to a group that is relatively neglected. And maybe we are more marginalized when we go abroad, and we think that we just need to make a good living and study hard. ... But if you really encounter this kind of situation, you will still feel that it is very hurtful.

These examples reiterate the wider process of “silencing” and invisibility of anti-Asian racism in British universities, which has led to the institutional exclusion of Chinese/East Asian students, and the presence of Asian students, especially Chinese international students, on campus has been greatly weakened. Even when universities take measures to improve “inclusion” and “diversity”, respondents like Lin believe that this is just a “box-ticking” exercise, “just superficial and not touching the substance.” Tate and Bagguley (2017) pointed out that the post-racial stance adopted by many universities only sees racism as an explicit and individual phenomenon, while denying those institutionally embedded, normalized, and indirect forms of “everyday racism”. In this context, anti-Asian racism is often taken for granted, denied and invisible. This view is also supported by the research of Song (2003) and Yeh (2014), who pointed out that anti-Asian racism is often silenced in the British racism discourse, resulting in the experiences and plight of Asian groups being ignored.

In terms of official actions, Tang (female, undergraduate, TESCOL) commented: “They just say those words, such as respect for ‘racial diversity’, which sounds good and decent.” As for semi-official channels such as the student union, Liu commented: “They are like politicians. Just formalities. It’s so embarrassing… They talk a lot about ideology and culture, but don’t do anything really useful.” Therefore, some respondents even doubted whether the pursuit of racial equality is realistic. Shang (male, PhD, Economic Geography) concluded: “As a minority, we can’t expect to enjoy the same rights as locals.” It is worth noting that anti-racism may be diluted in the mainstream discourse of diversity, inclusion, cultural competence, and multiculturalism (Ladhani & Sitter, 2020). This dilution of anti-racism has misled some universities to see themselves as having made achievements in fighting racism, while core issues of race and racism, especially anti-Asian racism, have not been fully addressed and shaken (Cane & Tedam, 2022).

Conclusion and reflection

In this article, we explore the perceptions, experiences, and coping strategies of racial microaggressions by Chinese international students in the UK from a post-racial perspective, revealing the need for awareness and policies against anti-Asian racism in the UK context. We argue that Chinese international students’ “insensitivity” to racism and their invisibility and silence in UK higher education present an image consistent with the “model minority” label, which may further confirm, rather than negate, the need to address anti-Asian racism in the post-pandemic era.

It is important to view Chinese international students as “racialized subjects” rather than “monetized objects.” They face multiple forms of racial microaggressions and discrimination, but these issues are often obscured by other axes of power and are linked to new racism, new Orientalism, and everyday racism. Our findings show that it is not enough to focus only on “direct” or “extreme” forms of racism among a minority of people, as this approach may obscure the huge impact of racism in daily learning life (Valluvan, 2016).

Our research highlights the need to further re-examine educational initiatives to increase awareness and understanding of international students and staff. This echoes efforts such as the requirements of the UK Equality Act 2010, the introduction of the Race Equality Charter Mark in 2014, and the UK Equality and Human Rights Commission’s 2019 inquiry, which found that the UK higher education sector was not fully aware of the depth and breadth of the challenge of racial discrimination, that university staff lacked the “understanding, skills and confidence” to address these issues, and that university culture itself must change to address deep-rooted problems. The UK higher education sector acknowledges that change is needed. In its report, Tackling Racial Harassment in Higher Education, Universities UK, the organization representing UK universities, pledged to do everything it can to address the Human Rights Commission’s recommendations and implement the necessary measures to protect students and university communities from racial discrimination. These protections would seem to apply equally to UK ethnic minority students and international students in the UK. Furthermore, Campion and Clark (2022) found that initiatives such as the Race Equality Charter logo, while good, only achieved incremental change, further supporting the argument of this paper. Nevertheless, our findings suggest that, to some extent, respondents believe that UK universities focus on racism against domestic students and ignore international Chinese students. Furthermore, Campion and Clark (2022) pointed out that although initiatives such as the Race Equality Charter logo are positive, their impact is only incremental and the effects currently appear to be limited, further supporting the argument of this paper. Johnson and Lollar (2002) have demonstrated that policies implemented to ensure diversity also help promote students to make greater contributions to the local socio-economy. In response to the situation we have shown above, universities - students, faculty, staff and other community members - need to take action to prevent the legitimization of everyday racism, help racialized individuals realize that it is not their fault, refuse to normalize racism and the invisibility of racialized subjects, and call on universities to educate their communities about the realities and challenges of the lives of Asian students so that they can become visible.

This article is adapted from: Yu, J., Rai, R., Lim, MA, & Li, H. (2023). The post-racial myth: rethinking Chinese university students' experiences and perceptions of racialised microaggressions in the UK. Higher Education, 1-16.

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